Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warmly greeted by Congress, March 3rd |
The most striking
thing about the conservative reaction to the Obama administration’s unprecedented
diplomatic breach with Israel is its abject
identification
with
the other country. To recap: Benjamin
Netanyahu successfully campaigned for re-election as Prime Minister by
explicitly repudiating
what has been the central proposal of both Israeli and American diplomacy for a
generation: the two-state solution, the creation of a sovereign Palestinian
state at peace with Israel. He also lamented that Israeli
Arabs were actually exercising their political rights as citizens by voting
against him in great numbers. By retracting
the only important conciliatory position Israel has taken, and by appealing to
the worst instincts of his embattled base he has made progress on the
Palestinian problem impossible for the foreseeable future. Indeed, that seems to have been his
intent. But he has badly damaged
Israel’s diplomatic and moral standing, and that is reflected in the new
American disapproval.
But American conservatives
are angry beyond
reason, not at Netanyahu for sabotaging chances for mid-East peace, but
at Obama for
having the
nerve to criticize him for it. Of
course, overwrought indignation deafens our current political discourse, but in
this case the apoplectic table-pounding seems all too sincere. What gives?
Israel, as the only genuine liberal democracy in the region, is an
admirable country in many ways. But how
do we understand the intensity and extremity of conservative
protectiveness? Is it possible to
imagine conservatives losing their minds over official American reproach of,
say, Britain? Or Canada? Or any
other country in the world? Why is
Israel so special in the conservative mind?
Why do they love it so much?
And it’s not just
that they love it. They seem to love it as much as
they
love America. And, crucially, they love it in the same way: it’s pure and noble in
essence and can
do no
wrong. Of course, many American
Christian fundamentalists support Israel because it plays a
central role in their vision of the end of days; i.e. Armageddon and the destruction
of all non-believers, especially any Jews who stubbornly remain Jewish. Israel must be quite happy at this sort of
“support”. More to the point, such
obscurantist, adolescent revenge fantasies might explain instrumental affection
for Israel, but they don’t explain super-national love.
As personal love
is the extension of one’s ego to include another, conservative Israel-ardor is
the extension of patriotism. Consider a
country whose creation was ordained by God Himself, whose purpose is to bring
righteousness to the world, whose political heart is democratic and free, and
which from the moment of its inception was besieged by implacable evil. Is that America or Israel? Yes.
Yes, it is. In the conservative
imagination Israel is an extension of all that’s good in America, in Western
civilization, in humanity. Conservatives love Israel the way they love
America because Israel is America. It’s the only country that has a franchise on
American exceptionalism.
And since, as
conservatives have warned us, Obama
doesn’t really love America, it makes perfect sense that he doesn’t
love Israel either. Indeed, some
conservatives claim that Netanyahu loves America more
than Obama does! The farther fringes
are certain that Obama actively desires the humiliation –
or
worse! – of
both. The crucial confusion here is
mistaking an ideology for a country.
Conservative love America for its essential goodness, which in their
minds flows from its strong, beating conservative heart. Israel equals America equals conservatism
equals moral purity. To oppose any of
them is to oppose them all.
But even more
important than moral purity is moral strength. From the moment of its birth Israel has beaten
off its attacking neighbors, even expanding its territory and its military
power. This is what makes conservatives
swoon: bad-assed righteousness. God must be on Israel’s side. At the very least, the conservative principles
that made America so great are doing the same for Israel.
And now we can correctly
perceive Israel’s enemies. They’re evil
in essence and retrograde in practice.
Non-white, non-Western, non-Judeo-Christian, they’re present-day Native
Americans, indulging their strange, savage habits and hoarding land they don’t
know how to properly exploit. They
can’t possibly have any legitimate
grievances. Any resistance these
place-holding squatters feel toward their eviction by the rightful owners can
only be motivated by simple spite. The conservative
vision of Israel as America is complete: sturdy, righteous pioneers subduing
the physical and moral wilderness, armed with only a Bible and an atomic bomb. And this is the Puritan self-image: a pillar
of morality strong enough to resist the temptations, corruptions and
enervations that threaten his soul.
This is the myth
of American and Israeli goodness that, to varying degrees, informs conservative
thinking on the subject. The increasing
polarization of American politics – i.e. the escalating ideological purification
of conservatism – has increased the influence and intensity of that myth. As with the embattled Puritan, the greater
the evil outside the door, the greater the intensity of belief inside the
temple. The more conservatives feel
America is threatened – by immigration, by liberalism, by terrorism – or that
Israel is threatened – by Arab demographics, by Iran, by insufficient American
devotion – the more they reject reasoned analysis and embrace mythology. Obama has pushed all their Israeli buttons:
by pressing it to halt
settlement-building, by negotiating
with its enemies, by criticizing its politics, and – most importantly – by
not worshiping its moral superiority, by treating it like a normal country,
like the flawed and morally complex country that it is, that every country is.