The third presidential debate |
Donald
Trump has been roundly condemned for apparently
disrespecting the very notion of democracy, because of an exchange with Hillary
Clinton and moderator Chris Wallace in last Wednesday
night’s debate. Wallace brought up an
accusation repeated by Trump on Twitter and at public rallies that the election has been
“rigged” to ensure Hillary’s victory; Wallace asked Trump if he
will “absolutely accept the result of this election?” And Trump evaded:
I will look at it at
the time. I'm not looking at anything now. I'll look at it at the time.
Which
seems to mean that come Election Day he’ll be looking for evidence of voter
fraud, and deliver a judgment on the election results based upon his perception
of how honest the voting process has been.
He also accused the news media of being in on the fix, calling them “so
dishonest and so corrupt”, and he claimed authoritative evidence of widespread
voter registration irregularities. And
he even tried to de-legitimize Hillary’s candidacy itself: “She’s guilty of a
very, very serious crime. She should not be allowed to run.” Behold Trump’s indictment of the vote and the
electoral process more broadly.
It’s
not terribly convincing. Sure, lately
the media have become quite transparent in their
conviction that Trump is a demented egomaniac who would do the country great
damage. To be fair, that’s only because
he is, and he would. Most members of the
press, being at least as bright as typical 5-year-olds, are perceptive enough
to see it, if not clever enough to pretend not to. And it’s hard to understand why it’s
dishonest or corrupt for the media to provide a platform to the small army of women who are
accusing Trump of just the sort of sexual predation that he himself has so brazenly bragged about. And it’s not clear if Hillary broke the law
(presumably he’s referring to her email scandal), though she’s legally in the
clear. And it’s even less clear what
process Trump believes should have prevented her from running, considering that
she is the nominee of one of our two major parties and the democratic processes
that promoted her to nominee endow her with all the legitimacy she needs.
But
here’s the real point: there is no evidence of significant voter
fraud. For one thing, it
would be extraordinarily hard
to pull off, considering how many election precincts
there are, and how locally organized and controlled they are. To really affect the outcome such conspirators
would have to fake thousands of votes in thousands of precincts across the
country, all without accidentally revealing their nefarious plot. For another thing, it just ain’t
happening.
But
Wallace wouldn’t let Trump off the hook:
But, sir, there is a
tradition in this country – in fact, one of the prides of this country – is the
peaceful transition of power and that no matter how hard-fought a campaign is,
that at the end of the campaign that the loser concedes to the winner. Not
saying that you're necessarily going to be the loser or the winner, but that
the loser concedes to the winner and that the country comes together in part
for the good of the country. Are you saying you're not prepared now to commit
to that principle?
Trump
deferred:
What I'm saying is
that I will tell you at the time. I'll keep you in suspense. OK?
And
Clinton, clearly the superior debater, pounced:
Well, Chris, let me
respond to that, because that's horrifying.
A
minute later she delivered the knock-out blow:
So that is not the way
our democracy works. We've been around for 240 years. We've had free and fair
elections. We've accepted the outcomes when we may not have liked them. And
that is what must be expected of anyone standing on a debate stage during a
general election.
And
major news outlets have expressed the same horror: Donald Trump will not abide
by the election results because he doesn’t in principle accept majority rule.
But
that’s not what he meant. Wallace asked
him if he thought the election was rigged, he explained (unconvincingly) why he
thought it was, and then Wallace, though clearly intending to get to the heart
of the matter, changed the subject by asking a different question: Do you support the principle of democratic
transfer of power? That is, he first
asked Trump if he believed the present election process is honest, and then a
minute later asked him if he was willing to submit to elections in general. But Trump, who – how shall we say this? –
misses a lot of subtleties, was still answering the first question. Neither he nor Wallace seems to have noticed
the question had changed, so Trump just repeated his answer to the first
question, making it seem he was answering “No” to the second one, that he was
explicitly rejecting the principle of popular sovereignty. Trump seems to have a knack for sounding more
offensive than he means to, and that’s quite impressive when you consider that
he usually means something quite offensive!
But if we’re going to condemn him, let’s condemn him for what he actually
meant.
If,
as seems to be the case, he was questioning the procedural fairness of this election, and not the authority of
elections in general, then he actually was defending
democratic rule, not attacking it. From
this point of view Hillary and her surrogates in the press are trying to steal
the election and he’s fighting to protect it.
As Trump advisor Newt Gingrich claims:
We are in the worst
cycle of corruption in American history, and in many ways, we resemble
Venezuela and Argentina more than we resemble traditional America.
Hillary
is undermining democracy, turning America into Argentina (is Gingrich making an
Evita reference?)
and Trump is bravely standing up to her.
It’s
ridiculous, of course, since there is no
reason to think the voting process is being interfered with. Wallace was actually stumbling toward a third question: Isn’t questioning the
system without any real evidence as destructive as questioning the principle of
popular sovereignty itself? The answer,
of course, is “Yes!” The two have the
same effect: the erosion of public trust in our political system. Elections are the accepted mechanisms for
peacefully resolving social conflict, and it’s frightening to imagine what would
happen if that acceptance lapsed. Put
another way: making a charge of electoral fraud is so dangerous, so potentially
destructive of social cohesion, that one should only do so very carefully, with
extreme caution, and only with convincing evidence. To do so recklessly, flippantly,
thoughtlessly, does almost as much damage to democracy as actually stealing
elections.
And
Trump, to wildly understate the matter, is not known for speaking with responsibility or
circumspection. Indeed,
he constantly casts mistrust upon our public institutions and the people who
run them. In his view, the leaders of
our society are all crooks or fools.
Business sends your jobs overseas.
The government deliberately refuses to secure the borders, and steals
your tax money to make life soft for the illegal immigrants of questionable
ethnicity who then so easily enter. Finance
enriches itself while gambling with our economic well-being, and collects
bailouts while you have to keep paying your underwater mortgage. Academia indoctrinates your children with
snobbish intolerance disguised as moral sophistication. And so on.
The only ones left that are still genuinely noble and good are the
American people themselves, especially the white working class. But America is a sham.
Meanwhile
Hillary represents just the opposite view, that the system is working well, or
at least good enough. The basic
trajectory of post-Cold-War life – increasing globalization, identity politics
at home, professional-class meritocracy, free markets – is positive and
promising, and the more of it the better.
She parrots all the same old clichés about how we’re stronger together,
and diversity is our strength, and we must open ourselves to the world, blah,
blah, blah. She doesn’t mean it and no
one believes it, but it’s part of the charade that our politics have degraded
into, a charade that Hillary’s donors so desperately want us all to keep
playing.
What
Trump and his supporters get right is that they want to end the charade. They see clearly the central truth of our
current situation: American elites don’t really care about America, only their stunted,
self-serving ideologies. What we are
really living through, what Trump really represents, is a crisis of faith. That’s why Trump’s supporters are so ready to
believe in stolen elections and why they’re not alarmed at Trump’s appalling flouting of democratic
outcomes and norms. They
support Trump because they’ve lost faith in the
system.
What
the Trumpians miss is their own culpability.
Large sections of the grassroots gladly went along with all the foolish
mistakes of the last decades, mistakes our elites sold us like so much snake oil: financial
deregulation, free trade, the Iraq War.
And now that all of those are seen for the disasters they really are,
those same grassroots righteously rise up in rebellion against their foolish
masters. The main ingredient in Trump’s
snake oil is irresponsibility.
And
if the whole system is corrupt, and none of us regular people is at fault, then
anything that cleanses that corruption is justified. Cynicism plus
irresponsibility equals rage. This is
the real danger, and the real fear lurking behind Wallace’s questions and the
media’s horror: that mistrust of the system leads to civil disorder, to violence. This is the dark beast skulking in the heart
of our current political chaos, the beast that Trump so carelessly summons.
The
strange thing about this Trump-disses-democracy controversy is that by
questioning the voting process Trump is picking on one aspect of the system
that actually works the way it should.
That is, the mechanics of our voting system are quite clean. Our democracy is being stolen, not by treacherous conspirators shuffling around
buses of illegal immigrants to multiple polling stations, but by a campaign
finance system that allows donors to weed out real challengers, and by two
ossified and brain-dead parties with a stranglehold on the process, and by a
media more addicted to horse-race and spectacle than to political substance, and
by propagandists encouraging anger and fear rather than generosity and
sobriety, and by social justice warriors undermining freedom of expression by sniffing
out the tiniest whiffs of dissent, and by elites who feel more allegiance to their
hypertrophied cosmopolitan vanity than to their fellow countrymen. And now by a public too cynical and too
irresponsible to want more than to throw bricks through the windows.
But
Hillary’s windows don’t need to be broken.
They need to be rattled by crowds of citizens loudly demanding an
economy that works for Americans workers, and an elite culture that doesn’t disdain
popular sensibilities, and a political system that responds to people’s real
needs. But those crowds need to accept
their obligation to constructively engage with our problems, rather than just
vent their frustrations. The Trumpian
diagnosis is largely correct, though quite overstated, and contaminated by white
nationalism, and led by a deranged and dangerous clown. Hillary is at least an adult, and as such proposes
some marginally beneficial policies,
but the status quo she represents is not sustainable. Don’t buy the Trumpian line that America is dying, and don’t
let Hillary lull you with happy talk while proposing to tinker around the
edges. In effect, they’re both cynical;
they’re both saying that fundamental constructive change isn’t possible. But that’s a copout, and a recipe for
national decline. Don’t give in to it. It’s not easy striking a balance that’s
realistic without being cynical, and idealistic without being utopian. But that’s what maturity demands of us. And
that’s how we positively address our very real problems. And that’s how we fight for democracy.