The champion of everyday people visits Wall Street |
If Barack Obama
had not been a candidate for president in 2008, Hillary would almost certainly
have been the Democratic nominee, and liberals would have been quite happy
about it. Indeed, she enjoyed strong
liberal support at first. And if she had
been elected president, liberals would have been jubilant. But now that she almost certainly will be the nominee – and quite
probably the president, too – they’ve become quite unsure about her. What gives?
Why did she inspire such passion then and such hesitation now? Who has changed, Hillary or liberals?
For instance, incontrovertibly
liberal New York mayor Bill de Blasio created a minor controversy on NBC’s Meet
the Press when he hesitated
to endorse her candidacy. He publicly
worried that she’s not liberal enough, and he channeled widespread liberal Hillary-ambivalence
when he both applauded her resume and challenged her to present a more starkly
liberal economic program.
And now that
Hillary has officially declared herself a candidate and is acting the populist
and the “champion”
of the people, a crowd of critics has arisen to argue that it’s only an act, that Hillary is as populist
as a credit default swap. The indictment is convincing: she’s very cozy
with Wall
Street; she’s been part of official Washington since she moved into the
White House with Bill in 1993; she’s quite comfortable within the modern American
ruling regime of capital, connections, and corruption. She seems more like part of the problem than
the solution; that is, if you think a rapacious, semi-hereditary caste
exploiting our economy and undermining our democracy is a problem.
But you don’t
have to be to Hillary’s left to suspect
her populism. Conservatives – bless their
helpful hearts – doubt
her sincerity too, though generally for unconvincing
and disingenuous reasons. If she can’t
be a genuine liberal because she has money then how do you explain Teddy
Kennedy and FDR? And conservatives are
quite indignant at her call for a constitutional amendment to curtail the
political power of corporations, all while she rakes in that dirty Wall Street
cash. Their point seems to be Hillary’s hypocrisy,
and the way it reinforces the near-universal perception that she’s phony from
top to bottom, that she doesn’t do or say anything that hasn’t been focus-grouped
and poll-tested and approved by public relations gurus. Well, duh.
It seems unlikely that conservatives are complaining that Hillary is not
battling vigorously enough against the pernicious influence of big money, i.e. that
she’s being insufficiently liberal.
And then there’s
the case for the defense, made by Hillary-supporters who insist she is a real liberal. But it’s just unconvincing; they either ignore
her intimacy with big money, or they attempt a misdirect by pointing out her
reliable cultural liberalism, or they highlight her recent populist
rhetoric
itself, as if political rhetoric should be taken at face value. Interestingly there’s a cadre of conservatives
on this side of the argument as well, convinced that Hillary is quite left, actually more left than
you might imagine: she’s an Alinskyite
Stalin-waiting-in-the-wings. Oh, dear!
Bill Clinton working for George McGovern, 1972 |
In reality, Bill
and Hillary started out as idealistic McGovern
supporters, but somewhere between there and here they became a little too eager
to work within the system, a little too comfortable playing nice with the
powers-that-be. Hillary has supported
Obamacare, the extension of unemployment benefits, etc., so she clearly is some
kind of liberal; that is, she’s willing to use government to help working
people. So why all of a sudden does she
feel the need to sound like Huey
Long?
And there it is. That’s the way liberals have changed since
2008: they’ve become substantially more economically populist. The wars over Obamacare, the federal budget,
financial regulation, etc. have focused the liberal mind on the issue of
economic injustice. The Tea Party and libertarians
have made free market anarchism the centerpiece of conservatism, and in doing
so they’ve clarified liberal convictions.
The 2008 election was about unseating the party of George W. Bush and
undoing the tremendous damage it had caused, and Hillary seemed a perfectly plausible
leader for that charge. But now
liberals are hungry to fight the real fight, the fight to make our economy work
for everyone, not just CEO’s and investors and hedge-fund managers. And Hillary is simply implausible as the
champion of that fight.
The Clintons came
of political age in the 1980’s, when the country was turning toward Reaganism, toward
free-market idolatry and Social
Darwinism. Like many liberals of
their day, they made their accommodation with the new reality. They abandoned the fight for economic
justice, and fought a rearguard action against the laissez-faire assault on the welfare state. This is the real way that Hillary is too
old: she’s still part of that liberal
timidity. But liberals today are no
longer afraid to be liberals, they want a leader that represents their new
fighting spirit, and Hillary sold off that piece of her soul to the highest
bidder long, long ago. In a strange way,
the McCarthyite freaks afraid of Hillary’s inner Stalin are half right. She did submerge her true liberal self long
ago; they’re just wrong to think it’s still alive and kicking.
Tom, good post, rings "truthy". One thing, though, how big is this group of liberals that have changed? Are there really enough of them to drive the narrative you've painted? Or, has much of the Left just checked out? Lastly, do you not think Jeb would be much like George I (as opposed to George II)? And, therefore, would probably also reign in conservative havoc (mostly kind of).
ReplyDeleteI'm convinced liberal confidence and hope is substantially higher now than it was in 2008. Which is ironic, since there was hope for real positive change then and -- with the Republican lock on Congress -- there's none now.
DeleteI think Jeb would be more like W than George H W. He sounds quite conservative (other than on immigration and Common Core), he's from a much more conservative generation, and his party has moved quite far to the right since 1989. He may not be quite the fool his brother was, but I have no trouble imagining Jeb signing, for instance. Paul Ryan's budget -- a budget which drastically lowers taxes on the upper end while slashing programs for the poor.